Method

Results

Discussion

The profile of the students participating in this study reflects the recent and constant changes in the Brazilian religious scenario, especially with regard to the rapid and continuous growth of Protestants and people with no religion (^{Camurça, 2019}). It should be highlighted that, in Brazil, Protestants constitute a diverse and heterogeneous group, being marked by dogmatic disputes and divergences between the different segments (^{Rivera & Fidalgo, 2019}). Accordingly, the fact that most of the students declared themselves to be Protestants seems to reflect this diversity, especially in recent decades, when this religious segment has been gaining new expressions and more followers in the country (^{Camurça, 2019}). Studies such as those by ^{Lages (2019)} and ^{Nogueira (2020)} have indicated that the religious prejudice that the religions of African origin suffer in Brazilian society is also experienced in the university context, contributing to the followers of these groups denying their religious affiliation, identifying themselves as non-religious or as believers from other less stigmatized groups.

Different factors have been highlighted as being responsible for the expansion of Protestants groups in Brazil - among them, the reduction of the institutional power of the Catholic Church, previously responsible for different aspects of the Brazilian citizen’s life, such as, for example, birth registration, definition of laws, management of cemeteries, among others (^{Camurça, 2019}; ^{Silva, 2017}); the large investment of protestant groups in proselytizing actions aimed at mass evangelization and conversion of the population (^{Silva, 2017}; ^{Rivera & Fidalgo, 2019}); and, mainly, the engagement of new Protestants churches in cult proposals aimed at the immediate and magical solution of different ills, especially those related to health and financial life, providing the faithful with an expectation of social ascension and improvement in living conditions, previously unimagined by the poorest population of the country (^{Camurça, 2019}; ^{Rivera & Fidalgo, 2019}).

The data also reveal that religious beliefs and practices were included in the daily lives of the university students. Furthermore, many of the students participating in this investigation maintained their religious beliefs and practices and, therefore, believe in God, the Devil, and the existence of supernatural phenomena, such as life after death and reincarnation. Similar results can be observed in the scientific literature, indicating that, during the academic trajectory, students maintain their religious beliefs and practices, however, they experience this privately, fearing the effects of prejudice, if they share their beliefs with their colleagues and professors at universities (^{Lages, 2019}; ^{Nogueira, 2020}; ^{Swatowiski et al., 2018}).

These data also reflect religious beliefs of the Brazilian population that, even nowadays, are important elements for organizing the ways of thinking, feeling, and acting in relation to various themes (^{Bairrão, 2017}; ^{Camurça, 2019}). Studies carried out among the Brazilian university population have also observed the influence of religiosity on students’ behavior, for example, in leisure practices and the consumption of psychoactive substances (alcohol and other drugs), among others (^{Lages, 2019}; ^{Nascimento & Roazzi, 2017}; ^{Pereira & Holanda, 2019}; ^{Swatowiski et al., 2018}).

For the group of students investigated in the present study, religiosity also played a role as a coping strategy for the stressful situations that permeate academic life. The participants believed that God or some supernatural being could help them in their studies, tests’ results and assignments, and the practice of their profession. Similar results can be identified in the scientific literature, which shows that religiosity positively influences life satisfaction, improves mental health and assists in seeking healthier and more positive strategies for the challenges of university life (^{Fleury et al., 2018}; ^{Piergiovanni & Depaula, 2018}).

However, while the results highlight the importance of religiosity in the lives of students, the data also reveal that the discussion of these themes, in the university context, is still incipient. Only a third of the students claimed to have participated in a class or academic event that discussed themes related to religiosity. Furthermore, almost a third of the university students said they felt fear or embarrassment when expressing their religious views at their educational institution. These data become even more intriguing, considering the greater participation, in this study, of university students from programs in human, social, and applied sciences, who, in general, carry out discussions on various social phenomena in their pedagogical projects, including those on the life of the university community itself. The data, therefore, lead us to question whether religiosity occupies a place that is still limited and silenced in Brazilian higher education, even in areas in which the debate on the subject would be fundamental.

Contrary to the popularly held maxim that “religion should not be discussed”, studies have demonstrated the need to include themes related to religious life in the academic sphere (^{Chaves et al., 2015}; ^{Fleury et al., 2018}). Obviously, it is not about reproducing religious beliefs and practices at the university but rather allow for spaces for discussions about an important phenomenon in our society and, as the data affirm, very present in the daily lives of students, who spend part of their lives at universities (^{Pereira & Holanda, 2019}).

The results are also in line with the scientific literature, showing differences in the way men and women conceive and put into practice their religious life on a daily basis, revealing important implications for the way men and women are socialized and construct their male and female experiences (^{Martins, 2019}; ^{Rosas, 2015}; ^{Swatowiski et al., 2018}). From this perspective, it was observed that women consider themselves more religious and also have a greater repertoire of religious beliefs and practices.

These data corroborate the findings of other studies that highlight the influences of gender issues and the sexist socialization process in the ways men and women are linked to religious life (^{Camurça, 2019}; ^{Martins, 2019}; ^{Rosas, 2015}; ^{Swatowiski et al., 2018}). In a study conducted by ^{Orellana et al. (2020)}, with a group of Spanish university students, a strong association was found between the religious beliefs of students, especially men, and sexist stereotypes and attitudes. As highlighted by ^{Rosado-Nunes (2017)}, most of the religions are configured as social institutions that, historically, contribute to the process of the domination of women and maintenance of patriarchy, justifying, from religious discourses, gender inequalities and male violence against women.

Despite the constant struggles with transformation in gender relations, in contexts marked by the influence of Christianity, such as Brazil, the social representation of God as a man still predominates. Particularly in the context of Christianity, God is characterized by attributes socially recognized as masculine, which emphasize his virility and manhood, physical strength, courage, and his role as a father, protector, and provider for humanity (^{Martins, 2019}; ^{Schultz, 2017}). These adjectives are then incorporated and reproduced by the faithful, so that religious beliefs also contribute to the design of guidance about the behavior of men and women (^{Martins, 2019}; ^{Rosado-Nunes, 2017}; ^{Rosas, 2015}). Similar results have been observed in the context of religions from other matrices, such as the African ones, which are also expressive in the Brazilian religious scenario (^{Barros & Bairrão, 2015}; ^{Nascimento et al., 2001}).

In a study that investigated the representations of God among a group of master’s and doctoral students in Clinical Psychology, ^{Ancona-Lopes (2004)} observed that God is sometimes represented as an elderly, bearded, good, and fair man and, sometimes, characterized by exceptional qualities, including power, unconditional love, and omnipotence. The author emphasizes that, in the Christian context, “God is seen through man”, who starts to perceive himself as the “locus of the manifestation of divinity” (^{Ancona-Lopes, 2004}, p. 80). In the same vein, ^{Viero (2005)} highlighted the influence of the patriarchal and androcentric culture in the construction of the image of Jesus Christ, within the scope of Christianity. According to the author, “if Jesus was a man, then masculinity is perceived as an essential characteristic of the divine being itself, or at least as closer to the Divine than femininity” (p. 172). Also, according to the author, these concepts strengthen “an androcentric anthropology, which elevates the male human being to the norm and model of the human, distorting the good news of the Christian salvation”. From this same perspective, ^{Schultz (2017)} highlighted that, like many biblical characters, Jesus is also presented as an ideal model of masculinity and recalls that the body of Christ is, above all, “a man’s body”.

Besides, with regard to the differences in the religious associations practices of men and women found in this study, it is necessary to consider that, even nowadays, the virility of boys and young men is put to the test, and it is up to them to demonstrate and prove it to other members of the group through behaviors that guarantee their authenticity and social recognition (^{Bourdieu, 1998/2011}; ^{Martins, 2019}). Therefore, thoughts, bodily gestures, and ways of speaking and dressing, among other behaviors, are carefully watched and, if necessary, punished, aiming to extinguish any doubts about the virility of these subjects (^{Bourdieu, 1998/2011}). This process also marks male religious beliefs and behaviors (^{Martins, 2019}). Studies show that men seek religious comfort in situations of serious personal and family crises, in which they are no longer able to correspond to the ideals of masculinity, such as in situations of unemployment, chemical dependency, and illness, which threaten their supposed natural and spiritual role as the protector and provider of their families (^{Buchardt, 2017}; ^{Lemos, 2011}; ^{Martins, 2019}).

Therefore, seeking services and religious leaders can be seen, for many men, as a synonym of weakness and vulnerability, being associated with the feminine sphere (^{Rosado-Nunes, 2017}; ^{Martins, 2019}). This phenomenon could indicate why the men participating in this study resorted less frequently to religious resources to face everyday situations, including those in the university environment. In turn, as shown by some studies, women find a reproduction of gender inequalities in religions, as well as social expectations that reinforce the stereotypes widespread in other social institutions, favoring the greater religious adherence of this group (^{Barros & Bairrão, 2015}; ^{Rosado-Nunes, 2017}).

Final considerations

This study highlights the importance of religiosity in the daily life of a group of Brazilian university students, indicating the presence of religious beliefs and behaviors that comprise the everyday life of these subjects. The results also reveal that, during their academic trajectory, these students maintained their religious beliefs and even used them as resources to face the challenges that present themselves in academic life, such as assignments and tests, as well as in everyday situations, such as in their affective relationships and their political and professional choices, among others.

The data also highlight the incipient discussion on themes related to religiosity, in the academic context investigated, so that many of the interviewees reported fear or embarrassment in expressing their religious views at the institution where they studied. Accordingly, the data reveal the importance of greater investments in actions and proposals that allow for spaces for discussion about religiosities in the university environment, recognizing them as powerful phenomena to broaden the understanding of gender relations.

It was also possible to verify, among the participants, differences associated with gender, revealing that, as in other social contexts, religious institutions, in general, are also crossed by expectations about male and female roles, which guide their ways of conceiving themselves, others, and the world. In this sense, in the investigated group, while many of the men declared themselves with no religion, it was observed that most of the women considered themselves religious and had been involved with the same religious group for a longer time. When compared to the male participants, the women more often claimed to believe in God, the Devil, the possibility of reincarnation, and the help of supernatural beings, in addition to saying more prayers than the men, reflecting the social constructions of masculinity and femininity.

The main limitations of the study are related to the fact that it used a convenience sample so that caution should be taken in generalizing the results presented and discussed here, considering the limits of this type of investigation. It is also necessary to consider that the study was constructed from the students’ self-reports, which also implies a limitation since the participants’ discourse does not always corresponds to their practices and behaviors.

Other limitations, such as the diversity of religion and areas of knowledge of the group of participants, the geographic distribution of the students, and the different characteristics of the higher education institutions to which the participating university students were affiliated must be considered when interpreting the results. Furthermore, it is necessary to consider the complexity involved in the study of religious beliefs and behaviors, especially when considering that other variables, not controlled in the study, such as family support, study conditions, quality of classes, motivation, self-efficacy, among others, should also be considered when interpreting the results.

Although the study did not propose to carry out comparisons between religions or areas of academic study, other investigations may emphasize certain areas of knowledge and religious segments that compose the Brazilian scenario. New studies could also focus on groups such as Spiritists, religions of African and Oriental origins, mestizo shamanism, and even people with no religion, who, despite representing a smaller number among the participants in this study, also contribute to the Brazilian religious scenario. These studies will be able to broaden the understanding regarding the singularities of the ways of thinking, feeling, and acting of these groups, showing how these groups help in the construction of male and female identities, as well as in social practices, such as those of university life.

Other investigations may also focus on the systematic study of religious practices and behaviors, including research that considers methods such as observation in different contexts, both of academic and religious institutions. These studies may consider the practices of believers, as well as leaders, including the behavior of people who define themselves as non-religious. Finally, further research is recommended to analyze other variables that were not considered in this study and that could allow for the discussion of the influence of factors related to family and school characteristics and individual and personality differences, among others.